An edited version of this article was published on same date in the Daily Star.
Saturday, 24 December 2011
Iraq At The Crossroad
An edited version of this article was published on same date in the Daily Star.
Saturday, 26 November 2011
Why The US Needs A Base In Australia?
An edited version of this article was published in the Daily Star on this day.
Tuesday, 15 November 2011
Palestinian bid: The harsh realities
Harsh realities
This Palestinian move has raised a range of questions from optimism to skepticism. Many are skeptical of the move, and several questions remain unanswered. Will it bring an end to the Israeli occupation? Will it alter the US’ diplomatic role in the region? Will it get Palestinians and Israelis back to the negotiating table? Or will it inspire a grassroots Palestinian mobilisation? Experts on international affairs and legal affairs have found many potholes in this move. Noura Erakat, human rights attorney and writer in the US, says that one of the greatest concerns and the reason that the statehood bid has created polarisation in the Palestinian community has been that it is not clear what the objective of the statehood bid by the PLO is. There was no PLO meeting to go to the UN; it was just an executive decision by the president to go through with statehood. Hassan Jabareen, a legal expert of Palestinian citizens in Israel, denoted the legal side. He found the inevitable and impending conflict between the recent bid for one state solution and the previous UN Resolution 181 of 1947 which asked for two state solutions. Despite the fact that the Arabs were against the resolution, it formed the legal basis for Israel as a sovereign state. Now Palestine would seek the demarcation according to 1967 resolution.
Going to the UN, by the Palestinians would make more sense as step one in a multi-pronged strategy to bring about a national achievement. The only viable Palestinian path to full UN membership is via the Security Council, and that route is blocked by the certainty of a US veto. Failure at the Security Council may itself be a drawn-out process. The bid for statehood is not changing anything on the ground, but in the international arena. It will change the terms of the debate and tilt the balance of power internationally against Israel and in favour of Palestinians. It is mainly a symbolic act. It will change the dynamics in a very symbolic way.
So it is clear that the realities are very much cruel for the Palestinians. The biggest obstacle is that it does not have any reliable friend in the permanent Security Council. But the helpless Palestinians can hope for some political gains, at least. If it could manage the US by hook or by crook, the result could have been positive. But at the end I think this decision of going UN is a bold step and will work as a moral boost for its future gain.
The writer is a member of fairbd.net group.
Sunday, 13 November 2011
India Looks Beyond South Asia
Thursday, 13 October 2011
Sino-Bangla relations: A time-honoured friendship
An assertion by a Chinese envoy during the 15th Century.
We have come to know this great matter, about how the foreign envoys used to perceive Bengalee nation in the 15th century, from a speech given by the great historian of our time, Prof. Dr. Syed Anwar Husain. Prof. Dr. Husain’s statement affirms that the relationship between China and Bangladesh is not a matter of recent past but dates centuries before when Gias Uddin Ajam Shah was in power in Bengal.
People to people contacts had been maintained since the 4th century BC (approx.) through the third Silk route which was built during that time between the then Bengal and China. First Chinese monk, Fa Xian from China’s Eastern Jin dynasty, visited Bengal in 399 AD. And Atish Dipankar from Bengal was invited to Tibet to introduce Buddah’s teachings in 1038AD. So it is reasonably understandable that the present bonhomie between Bangladesh and China has its origin in thousand years before.
State to state diplomatic relationship between Bangladesh and China started not before 2nd October, 1975, though Bangladesh achieved its independence on 26th March, 1971. During that time mainly mistrust and misperception kept two friends apart. But since that historic year of establishment of diplomatic relationship, two great nations didn’t need to look back. Now both the states are time-honoured friends, both at regional and international levels. Bangladesh firmly supports China’s ‘one China policy’ and China shows utmost respect to Bangladesh’s sovereignty as an independent state.
Change of regime in Bangladesh brings no effect upon policy towards China. But it is highly perceived that Bangladesh’s nationalist Party (BNP) is on a slant towards China whereas Bangladesh Awami League towards India. These particular party positions must not be viewed in skewed eyes. These stances have logical background in historical developments. In 1977, Ziaur Rahman’s visit to China established solid basis in Sino-Bangla diplomatic relationship. In 1991, when Khaleda Zia came to power, she made her first visit to China. And Khaleda’s most recent tenure was marked by ‘Look East Policy’ which mainly focused China and other eastern countries including Japan, South Korea etc. The present regime, Awami League led Grand Alliance, didn’t bring major shift in policy towards China. Hasina made her trip to China, just after visiting India in January, 2010. Hasina sought China’s assistance to build deep sea port in Chittagong but couldn’t hold up the momentum of procedure which finally resulted in China’s sloth response. But this year the government of Bangladesh again has beefed up their activities to implement it. Bangladesh’s military build up is really owed to China’s consistent assistance since 1977. Now China is our second largest trading partner in terms of goods. Bangladesh’s central bank has decided to trade with China in Yuan, the Chinese currency, replacing US dollar. This is a great move from Bangladesh’s central Bank, to boost economic relationship with China. Before Bangladesh, this currency was being used for trade settlements in Myanmar and Nepal. Sri Lanka is also allowing the RMB for international transactions. Pakistan is expected to be the next in line.
China’s ‘non-interference policy’, indoctrinated within its global policy, made it a widely acceptable global power in the world. In Bangladesh, China is also popular because of its policy of non-interference. In a rare incident, `meet the press’ hosted by National press club on 26th September this year, Chinese ambassador Zhang Xianyi stated that China supports connectivity between Bangladesh and India as well as other countries in the region for mutual economic benefit. And on the very next day he said in a roundtable at Bangladesh Institute of International and Strategic Studies (BIISS), Dhaka that Beijing will not unilaterally divert waters of the Brahmaputra River which supplies 60 percent of Bangladesh’s water flows. “We will consult with the downstream countries if they are in any way affected by what we are doing. This is our commitment,” he assured. Diplomatic observers say China’s probable water diversion plan has prompted New Delhi, which has been withdrawing water from the upstream affecting Bangladesh, to accept Dhaka’s idea of basin-wise management of the common rivers after decades. India for the first time, during the visit of Manmohan Singh’s Dhaka tour, agreed to go for basin-wise management of the trans-boundary rivers.
Xianyi expressed that China wants to establish links with Bangladesh via Myanmar, a road and a rail link. This direct link will create an opportunity to increase exports to China and thus reducing the existing trade gap between the two countries. Chinese companies are involved in various developments in Bangladesh including power plants, river dredging, bridge constructions. Decision makers in Bangladesh should come up with some possibilities to utilize this existing warm relationship with China. Bangladesh may strengthen its relationship with Myanmar and may ask China to create pressure upon Myanmar to refrain it from aggressive activities within Bangladesh’s maritime boundaries. India is importing gas from Myanmar. Bangladesh, also, should consider this matter as the country is suffering from huge paucity of gas and frequent power outage.
This year Sino-Bangla relationship is celebrating its thirty sixth anniversaries. With the progress of time both nations are moving toward stronger ties. It is expected that good relationship between these two great nations will create a balanced and stable South Asia.
This article was published on 13th October, 2011 in daily sun.
Monday, 26 September 2011
Edward Said: A trembler of Western discourse
As
the Palestinian authority seeks recognition of its statehood in the UN, the
global community commemorates the eighth anniversary of the passing of Edward
Said, who Robert Fisk characterized as Palestine's most influential
political figure. Said was a staunch advocate of the 'one-state solution'.
In 1979, he authored 'The Question of Palestine'. Said's political
trajectory transitioned from that of a disinterested observer to an active
participant, culminating with the Israeli-Arab War of 1967. From 1977 to 1991,
he served as an autonomous member of the Palestine National Council. In 1991,
he resigned from the council and continued his advocacy for Palestine
as an independent critic. His most powerful tool was his ability to articulate
his thoughts and ideas. Dialogue is a crucial and unavoidable component of
Palestine's pursuit and endeavour for statehood. On this momentous day of the
Palestinian bid, we are commemorating Said.
Edward
W. Said, a Palestinian-American, was born in Jerusalem on November 1, 1935, and
passed away on September 25, at the age of 67, in New York. In the year of
Said's death, I encountered my initial encounter with him through an
article penned by Prof. Dr. Sirajul Islam Chowdhury in the literary supplement
of a Bengali newspaper. Only then did I discover Said's identity as an
English literary character rather than being associated with any one
language or nation? One year after his demise, I became acquainted with his
revolutionary publication 'Orientalism' (1978) for the first time during
my first year at the University of Dhaka. Unexpectedly, my pals, including
Mujibor Rahman, who is pursuing an M. Phil degree at Delhi
University, stumbled into a discreet admirer of Said-Foej Alom, a poet and
postcolonial intellectual in Bengali literature.
Poet
Alom demonstrated his determination to translate Said's highly influential
work, 'Orientalism', into Bengali to communicate Said's ideas to audiences
in Bangladesh. Following this release, the practices and studies of Said's
literature established a strong foundation in this country.
Allow
me to explain the significance of Said, regardless of any specific language or
nation. Said is regarded as a trailblazer in postcolonial thought. Postcolonial
philosophy encompasses more than just literature. This philosophical
perspective is relevant to various fields of study, such as language,
sociology, physics, history, painting, architecture, agriculture, and more.
Postcolonial ideology motivates us to thrive based on our cultural
heritage. It encourages individuals to overcome the long-standing effects of
colonialism. It enables you to ascertain the authenticity of your tradition,
literature, culture, and prevailing mindset throughout the pre-colonial era. It
reveals how the colonialists caused significant distortions in these areas
during colonial control. Postcolonial philosophy emphasizes the need to reclaim
and preserve one's traditions from the influence of colonial distortions.
Post-colonialism emerged after the publication of Said's 'Orientalism'.
This movement delivered another significant impact following the disruption
caused by Postmodernism in Western epistemology. However, numerous postcolonial
philosophers argue that Said's work 'Orientalism' initiated the initial
epistemic rupture in Western discourse.
Ngugi
wa Thiong'o and Chinua Achebe, both hailing from Africa, as well as Ashis
Nandy, Ranajit Guha, and Partha Chatterjee from India, along with Benedict
Anderson, Bill Ashcroft, Gareth Griffiths, and Helen Tiffin from Europe, made
significant contributions to the field of post-colonialism based on
their perspectives and expertise. In Bangladesh, Foej Alom, Saymon
Jakaria, Selim Al Deen, and S M Sultan were highly conscious in their use of
post-colonialism in poetry, play, and painting, respectively.
Said's
second significant publication is 'Covering Islam' (1981). This book examines
the deliberate portrayal of Islam as a religion associated with terrorism by
Western media. This is how Western media portrays Islam. This book also
highlights the prevailing friction between the Eastern and Western regions
about Islam, fundamental terrorism, and related matters.
Said's
initial publication, Joseph Conrad and the Fiction of Autobiography (Harvard
University Press, 1966), focused on an author with whom he perceived a sense of
affinity. Originally from Poland, Conrad embarked on global travels
and acquired proficiency in English later in life. In the subsequent year,
Israel emerged victorious over the collective military of many Arab nations in
the Six-Day War, which catalyzed Said's burgeoning political awareness.
His literary works comprise 'The World, the Text, and the Critic' (1983)
and 'Culture and Imperialism' (1992). He was said to have expressed
strong support for the independence of Palestinians. He has authored several
subsequent works on the topic of Palestinians' right to self-determination,
including 'The Question of Palestine' (1979), 'The Politics of Dispossession:
The Struggle for Palestinian Self-Determination' (1994), and 'End of the Peace
Process: Oslo and After' (2000). He expressed strong disapproval of the former
US foreign policy towards the Middle East, particularly the policy of 'war on
terror'. He was referred to as the 'professor of terror' by a US-based magazine
for assuming this role. Explosive devices were deliberately aimed at his office
at the institution. Fortunately, Said was able to avoid the situation by being
absent. Said exemplifies the archetype of a public intellectual. He authored a
book and actively engaged in numerous civic endeavours. On the occasion of
the eighth anniversary of his passing, I offer my sincerest homage.
Friday, 9 September 2011
India's leadership and its implication for South Asia
India's leadership is much talked about now a days in South Asian politics. There has been a persistent and sharp contrast between South Asian states, as a whole, and India. Where a number of South Asian states are in a strained relationship with the West, India on the contrary is enjoying a bonhomie relationship. For last few months it has been receiving many world leaders at home with success. 'Incredible India', is truly proving its diplomatic professionalism in dealing with other states, even USA, to keep its national interest intact.
'Bandwagoning- Balancing'
The present India's foreign policy appears to be, to borrow a phrase from Robert Kaplan, 'Monsoon: Indian Ocean and Future of American Power', published in 2010, an 'ultimate paradox'. How does it constitute a paradox? Yogesh Joshi explained it well. He said that the Indian foreign policy is the perfect example of fusion of 'Bandwagoning- Balancing'. It is bandwagoning with the US for its national interest but, at the same time, balancing American power by professing its slant towards a multipolar world. India successfully convinced Mr. Obama to support its causes. During Obama's visit to Delhi he openly supported, for the first time, India's bid for permanent membership in United Nations Security Council. On India's persistence, it also agreed to help India obtain the membership of four important instruments of the non-proliferation regime -- the Nuclear Suppliers Group, the Missile Technology Control Regime, the Wassenaar Arrangement and the Australia Group.
How is India balancing against global powers? May be India is piggybacking on the US to reach global power status but she is not blind to the pitfalls of too much dependence. She may support the US leadership but, very much logically, not the US centered unipolar world. India strongly supports the idea of a multi-polar world order, most evident in the proceedings of multilateral settings such as the BRICS. India's warm relationship with the US does not, necessarily, mean that she will listen to the every exhortation placed by Mr. Obama. For example, India did not consider the bids of two US aviation giants for providing the Medium Multiple-Role Combat Aircraft to the Indian Air Force, though Mr. Obama exhorted India on this bid. We have seen how India was silent on United Nations Resolution 1973, brought against the Libyan government. India has been maintaining relationship with Iran at significant level. She supported Syria, the worst human rights abuser, in its candidature for the United Nations Human Rights Council. But it is relevant here to note that both Iran and Syria are at a draggers-drawn with the US. That's how India is 'bandwagoning' with the US but at the same time, 'balancing' against the US leverage.
Leadership in South Asia?
Hillary Clinton during her last visit to India in July, 2011, reiterated the ever increasing importance of India to the world and, of course, to the US. She said, "I can tell you that we are, in fact, betting on India's future. We understand that much of the history of the 21st century will be written in Asia, and that much of the future of Asia will be shaped by, most importantly, by the 1.3 billion people who live in this country." In that Chennai speech Ms. Clinton had some real gestures towards India besides some 'tall talks'. But why Washington is so enthusiastic about India? To this common question there is popular answer- because Washington wants to offset against China in Asia. In fact Washington seeks to create a bigger circle, Washington-Delhi-Tokyo, which may be extended with the inclusion of Seoul and Manila in near future.
But India's leadership in South Asia, as Ms. Clinton indicated, will be a tough call. Leadership in a region calls for some components. The aspirant state is expected to have good relationship with its neighbors. Does India have any trustworthy friend in South Asia? India has 'neighborly problems'. She has two nuclear armed, hostile states on two sides. One of her neighbors is war depleted and a breeding ground of insurgency. Bangladesh, another neighbor, changes its status with India with the change of governments. India also has `adequate' suspicion about Bangladesh. On the other, Nepal and Bhutan are the only two neighbors, upon whom India has more or less influence.
Ms. Clinton talked about the 'neighborly problems'. She expressed her anticipations that India would emerge among her neighbors as a 'benevolent leader'. She said, "…opening of India's markets to the world will produce a more prosperous India and a more prosperous South Asia. It will also spill over into Central Asia and beyond into the Asia Pacific region." At present, India is enjoying an economy of steady GDP growth ranging from 8 to 8.5. But does it really spill on her neighbors? From the perspective of Bangladesh, there are still many barriers including tariff and non-tariff barriers in trade between Bangladesh and India. In an updated statistics it is found that the trade gap between India and Bangladesh rose to $3.80 billion in 2010-11 fiscal year from $2.90 in the year before. Trade officials and businessmen talk about the standardisation of Bangladesh's exportable items by Indian authorities still remains a key. New Delhi is yet to make any tangible arrangement for removing the non-tariff barriers to trade that restrict exports of good number of items from Bangladesh to India despite, repeated assurances.
Besides trade issues, there are many other historically prolonged- unresolved issues between India and Bangladesh. Ms. Clinton didn't deny this grave concerns which are equally important for both sides. In her Chennai speech she said, "India also has a great commitment to improving relations with Bangladesh, and that is important because regional solutions will be necessary on energy shortages, water-sharing, and the fight against terrorists."
This has been the continued state of affairs between India and Bangladesh. This scenario does not differ very much in the aspects of India's relations with other neighboring states, with a couple of exceptions. India's leadership in South Asia requires resolving those issues first. India may enjoy a comprehensive economic and military power but that doesn't mean an easy and unabated leadership for her in South Asia. Many scholars opined that the problem is rooted in India's mindset. India's foreign policy is still revolving around Kautilyan discourse. India can bring a shift in her foreign policy and brighten the possibilities of leadership in South Asia.
Thursday, 18 August 2011
Afghanistan troops pull out and South China Sea dispute
The timeline for the drawdown are- 10,000 troops by end-2011, 33,000 by mid-2012 and the bulk of the remaining 70,000 troops at a “steady pace” through 2013-14. The stunning geopolitical reality is that US is barely avoiding defeat and is making its way out of the HinduKush in an organised retreat as claimed by an ex-Indian diplomat M. K. Bhadrakumar. The Taliban responded to Mr. Obama’s announcement saying – “The solution for the Afghan crisis lies in the full withdrawal of all foreign troops immediately”. Again, Obama appears to be optimistic about the Kabul government’s ability to assume the responsibility of security by 2014. This ‘optimism’ is far from reality as per as the present Afghan situation is concerned. The retreat of the US from Afghanistan as anticipated by Bhadrakumar was not baseless. But the realities behind the ‘retreat’ are two pronged- one reality is that the US is really finding it tough with rare possibility to win the war in Afghanistan. She is under pressure at home to withdraw troops and bring them back to home. Second thing the US strategists are finding it more useful to concentrate elsewhere than Afghanistan. May be they are finding it more important to make strong foothold in South Asia or South East Asia to dissolve China’s prowess in that region and utilising present turmoil centring the South China Sea.
Now let me talk about those coincidences that I have not mentioned in the first. There have been some important developments for months in South Asia and Far East Asia which might force or worry the US strategist to reshape their strategic landscape in Asia. On 29 March 2011, the Army of Nepal made out a fresh proposal for integration/rehabilitation of PLA (People’s Liberation Army, China) combatants that appears to have had a positive response not only from the Maoist leadership but also from the Nepali Congress. In a response to Chinese offer US has recently proposed for establishing a military base camp in Nepal with substantial military and economic assistance to the landlocked impoverished Himalayan country with the objective to free Tibet from China. In this year China’s proposal to Nepal came first and was followed by US’s one. Peoples Review, a daily of Kathmandu, revealed on 9 June that the US government has submitted a draft of military pact with Nepal along with demand for allowing the military base.
Another development has been taking place, for a few days, in the South China Sea encircling the Spratly Islands and its resources among the self declared owners. China’s expansive sovereignty claims on of the South China Sea, including the Spratly and Paracel islets, putting Beijing directly in conflict with the sovereignty claims and security of five Southeast Asian states and ASEAN members -- Vietnam, the Philippines, Malaysia, Brunei and Indonesia and outside them -- Taiwan.
In the South China Sea, US has only one permanent military base which is located Luzon Island, the Philippines. To hold back China’s military prowess US needs more strongholds in the off shore of the South China Sea. The present face to face situation among the neighbouring countries is the high time for the US to interfere. Hillary Clinton has already offered the Philippines to give arms to withstand China. US’s action irritated China and China rebuked US’s role as an act of interference. For China, the South China Sea is the security zone and important for maintaining economic pace and political supremacy in this region. To challenge US’s role in the Pacific Ocean, China needs to modernise its naval abilities. And China’s present economic power is inspiring it to continue this modernisation process. On the other hand, to stave off China US needs to concentrate more on this area. Probably this intention is going to bring change in US’s strategic landscape in Asia. Pulling out troops from Afghanistan may help to build up other countries in Asia. It may be a country or countries from South East Asia or may be even Nepal. Only future can be the best answer to know the upcoming changes. So let us look forward!